Different Routes; Same Genesis and Destination: Tracking the Migration of Acholi Dances from northern Uganda to Kampala

The insurgency in Northern Uganda that lasted for mpre than 15 years played havoc with the Acholi people and their dances almost in equal measure. Like any other experiences of armed conflicts, the war in northern Uganda was bound to cause dislocations in the structure, practice, sensibilities, procedures, sentimentalities, and essence of traditional dance forms. The artistic and cultural dislocations were compounded by forced migration that communities endured throughout the entire period of the conflict. This migration took different forms: home to bush (for people that were abducted by the rebels); home to camp (especially internally displaced camps); and home to other place (which saw migration of the Acholi people to other parts of Uganda and beyond). In this entire turn of events, dances survived particularly amongst people that migrated to camps and other parts of Uganda. This article focuses on how these dances survived in ‘exile’, with particular focus on Kampala, the capital city of Uganda. 

The story of the migration of dances and dancers from Acholi sub region to Kampala is akin to the legend that explains the genesis of Acholi tribe of northern Uganda and Alur tribe on north western Uganda: both ethnicities were born out of conflict in which blood was spilled. In the case of Acholi and Alur communities, legend has it that Nyipir and Nyabong, both brothers, had a tiff over a spear and a bead. Nyipir took Nyabong’s spear to hunt. He hit the elephant with the spear and it ran away with it. When he returned home, his brother Nyabong insisted on getting back his spear. Nyipir went back and trailed the elephant until he recovered the spear. This experience was so painful for him. Shortly after his return, Nyabong’s daughter swallowed Nyipir’s bead. Nyipir demanded to have his bead back. Nyabong painfully accepted that his daughter be cut to recover the bead. The girl was cut and the bead was recovered. It is this spilling of blood that caused an irreconcilable squabble between the two brothers. They parted ways, never to see each other again. Nyipir wandered and crossed river Nile at Pakwach. He settled in West Nile area and gave birth to the current Alur tribe. Labong stayed on one side of the river and his family expanded to form the current Acholi tribe.

It is as if the migration of Acholi dances to Kampala was an incarnation of the Nyipir and Nyabong separation. It is worth noting that the migration of these dances took dual trajectories: the Watmone (derived from Watmone dancing troupe) and Ndere (derived from Ndere troupe) trajectory. These two experiences are going to be the focus of this essay.  Quite significantly, the two trajectories, like the Nyipir and Nyabong separation, were born as a result of conflict (Acholi insurgency), where blood of thousands of Acholi people was spilled. We can conclude that these related trajectories came from the womb of human blood. What is more, both the Nyipir-Nyabong separation and Acholi-to-Kampala migration of dances involved crossing river Nile, the former at Pakwach and the latter at Karuma. As Nyipir-Nyabong split gave birth to two formidable ethnic groups that are still flourishing, migration of Acholi dances to Southern Uganda has has supported two dance troupes that have prospered in Kampala. 

Let us now track the migration of the Acholi dance trajectories. As I earlier noted, the exodus of Acholi dances to other parts of Uganda owes a good deal to the northern insurgency that lasted for more than 15 years. Normally, when conflicts emerge, people in the affected communities migrate. Some people migrates with their physical belongings, others do not.  However, one commonality between those who migrate with their physical belongings and those who do not is that they both migrate with some of their cultural practices. They both migrate with their cultural belongings. Music and dance is one of these cultural belongings. 

The Watmone path had Acholi people migrate to Kampala to form a dance troupe under the stewardship of Matthew Watmon. As Watmon notes: “When the war intensified, I decided to come and settle in Kampala from where Iformed a dancing troupe…” The Watmone route was more about the Acholi people migrating with their artistry and figuring out how to situate it and make it relevant and survive in the new environment in Kampala. The troupe set out to focus on dances from the Acholi sub-region. The Ndere trajectory presented a different dynamic. Ndere troupe was already established as early as 1988 as a performing group with a national outlook and character. When the conflict escalated, Ndere started to co-opt both dancers and dances from Acholi region to form the repertory of the troupe. The inclusion of Acholi artistry into Ndere troupe leaned towards expropriation of dances from Acholi region and appropriating them in Kampala. If these two ajectories have managed to survive in 'exile' (Kampala), what dynamic underpins their identity? What strategies have the two troupes taken to have dance artistry from Acholi region flourish? It is to the differences in strategy and experiences between these two troupes that we now turn.

A clear analysis reveals that the Watmone experience has been insulatory in every sense of the word while the Ndere trajectory is expansionist in nature and intent.

The Watmone experience has always been insulatory, and is anchored in self-preservation. This is born out of internal cultural consciousness. The Acholi dances performed by Watmone arrived in Kampala as a victim seeking asylum. Although the new environment has tampered with some aspects of their performance, Watmone dance performances are true to the aesthetic and cultural sensibilities, complexities, simplicities, and polities of dances from Acholi region. Until now, they have specialized in performing dances from Acholi region. They have striven to remain true to the Acholi artistic ethic. Their target audience has always been people from Northern Uganda, although they have expanded to serve both other national and international populations. Like Jews who have been able to retain, practice, and cherish their culture in exile, Watmone have succeeded in insulating their Acholi artistic practices against any excessive external influences and excesses that come with living in the new environment. Watmone has succeeded in striking a balance between art for wo/man’s sake and art for money’s sake. Commercialization has not significantly diluted the true ethos of Acholi dance aesthetic that the group is committed to preserve, present, and represent. The dancers understand the artistry, aesthetic, semiotics, and anthropology of the dances. Watmone has once again proved that traditional dances can migrate and still retain their true character and form. The group has relied on the commercial to reinforce self and cultural preservation. The songs, instrumentation, technique, and in some cases costume represent the true nature of Acholi dance artistry. The troupe has continued to embrace ethnic singularity, glorify artistic endogamousity, and cultural exclusivity.  

Watmone performers playing Acholi music

If the Watmone course is insulatory, how expansionist is the Ndere trajectory? I earlier mentioned that right from the onset, Ndere troupe exuded national character and outlook in terms of its artistic repertory and ethnic originality of performers. The repertory ranged from traditional dances of tribes in Western, Northern, Eastern, and Central Uganda, although their foundation has always been dances from Western and South Western Uganda. As such, appropriation of Acholi dances was meant to enrich the national abundance of the troupe. It was another ethno-artistic dish added to the national artistic buffet of the troupe. Acholi dances arrived in Ndere as a refugee seeking not only survival but also expansion. The primary objective of the group was not to preserve dances from Acholi. Rather, the goal was to have representation of Acholi artistry in the national artistic umbrella. But this does not tell the whole story, neither does it paint a complete expansionist picture. Expansionism is best reflected in the nature of performers in the troupe. Whereas Watmone is primary constituted of dancers from Acholi, Ndere has dancers from various ethnicities in Uganda. These dancers were able to learn and perform dances from Acholi even though they do not come from this ethnic community. Consequently, these dances were able to cross demographic and ethnic boundaries. The Ndere experience has always celebrated national plurality, glorified artistic promiscuity, and valued aesthetic exogamousity.

We cannot talk about expansionism and ignore the artistic and aesthetic alternations that Ndere have inflicted on the dances from Acholi. Art bows to change in the face of money and commerce. Commercialization unlocks artistic and cultural rigidity. Once art becomes a for-money activity, trade patterns and commerce imprison it.  It clings to and swings on the rules of demand and supply. As a commercial dance troupe, Ndere has altered a number of elements of Acholi dances such as costume, accompaniment, makeup, etc to appeal to the interests of the clients. There has been expansion in the internal taxonomy of the dances (how and why dances are performed), for good or worse.

Ndere troupe performing Larakaraka dance from Acholi. The costume is colorful enough to attract the eye and the sound is amplified to sink in the ears of the audience.  

How about target audience? Is this expansionism reflected in the audience targeted? The answer to the preceding question seems to be in the positive. The audience has a good deal to answer for for this expansionism. The audience for Ndere is very diverse. Unlike Watmone, which primarily target communities from the greater north who live in Kampala, Ndere troupe’s audience covers a wide range of ethnic fabric and geographical space. The troupe has performed in a number of international events, too.

Nowhere has this expansionist approach manifested itself than in breakaway troupes that have seceded from Ndere troupe. Ndere is a womb that has given birth to a number of troupes in Uganda. Formers performers of the troupe have gone ahead to form their own independent troupe. In doing this, they have expanded the artistic legacy and philosophy of Ndere troupe, which included performance of dances from Acholi sub region. What is more, Ndere troupe sends out its performers to train students in schools that perform in school-based, regional, and national dance festivals and competitions. In some instances, these performers have taught Acholi dances the way they learned then in the troupe. This is yet another expansionist branch.

In this essay, we have noted that the migration of dances from Acholi to Kampala took two major dual trajectories: the Watmone trajectory and the Ndere trajectory. These two trajectories owe a good deal to the initial brotherly split between Nyipir and Nyabong. Like the legend of Nyipir and Nyabong, the Acholi dances migrated to the south as a result of conflict where blood was spilled. Both Nyipir-Nyabong and the migration of Acholi dances to the south involved crossing of river Nile.  The former at Pakwach, and the latter at Karuma.  The dual trails of the migration Acholi dances down South have continued to flourish. The Watmone trajectory is much more insulatory, sensitive to Acholi cultural sensibilities, and true to the artistic aesthetic. It is anchored in ethnic singularity. The Ndere trajectory is much more expansionist and inter/nationalistic. It derives its trues identity from national plurality. This expansionism has manifested itself in the way the dances have been structurally, aesthetically, taxonomically, and semiotically altered to conform to the market forces of demand and supply. Furthermore, Ndere has spread Acholi dances to diverse ethnic population through performances, training, and mothering of other dance troupes. 

Alfdaniels Mabingo is a Fulbright fellow at New York University

How HIV/AIDS and War gave some Legs to the Dance Industry in Uganda

A very good friend of mine in Kampala called me asking about the things that have transformed the dance industry in Uganda. He was left gasping in shock when I mentioned HIV/AIDS and War as the key factors that have altered the dance landscape in Uganda. At first, he thought that I had smoked or sniffed something strong. But as our discussion progressed, he realized that there was some meat in my bizarre response.

Yes, HIV/AIDS has had far reaching consequences on the people of Uganda. It always leaves bitter test in our mouth. Since it was first detected in early 1980s, HIV/AIDS has claimed lives, wiped away villages, and condemned masses to orphanage.  Sadly, it has defiantly refused to vacate center stage. My friend and I had elected not to talk about these things. Both of us have lost our beloved ones to this scourge, and memories of this loss precipitate indignation and despondency. In our good old days, worms would spread into our bottles of beer and glasses of wine each time we chose to open this HIV/AIDS can.

And for this pain, HIV/AIDS should be condemned and cursed. But this should not blindfold us not to recognize the changes it has had on the social and cultural milieu. One can argue that, possibly, the dance industry would not be what it is now had it not been for HIV/AID. HIV/AIDS paved way for emergence of a recognizable number of dance troupes in Uganda. But the most significant contribution is that it marked beginning of orphanage-troupe model of running dance business.

Most traditional dance troupes started as orphanages, offering services to children orphaned by HIV/AIDS. AIDS created a certain category of labour for dance.  These children were willing to learn and stage dance and music performances in exchange of accommodation, education, healthcare and other services. The Chinese saying tells us that a wise wo/man sees an opportunity in a crisis, while a foolish one sees problems in an opportunity. The directors and proprietors of traditional dance troupes heeded the first part of this Chinese apothegm: they poked a hole of opportunities in the HIV/AIDS cobweb.

HIV/AIDS scourge and the agony that comes with it changed people’s thinking about traditional dances. People stopped viewing traditional dances as something that hunters perform somewhere in the forest around a carcass of a speared elephant. They stopped seeing ethnic dances as an activity that is only performed to appease gods, deities, spirits, and traditional leaders and elders. A new philosophy emerged – a philosophy that considered dance as a service that can be offered to support, rehabilitate and transform those in need. And the end users/beneficiaries/clients (orphans) were floating around in abundance seeking out for this support.

This simplified recruitment for orphanage-troupes. A person would just walk into a village and pick orphans, get them together into an orphanage, and train them as performers. But these recruits needed to eat, to be accommodated, and to be educated. This required money – a lot of it. The idea then was to make the recruits perform on different occasions – weddings, seminars, conferences, and international festivals to raise money. An internal interplay between an orphanage and a commercial troupe slowly took shape to take care of the economic demands of this arrangement.

This orphanage-troupe interplay is also visible on the international scene when troupes go for tours in Europe and America. The exportation of traditional dances is more colored in a humanitarian and charity agenda than artistic mission. Often times, the dances that are performed are accompanied by the sad and touching stories of how the performers have been pounded by the HIV/AIDS scourge, and more dollars euros and pounds are thrown into the envelope.

Like HIV/AIDS, the footsteps of war can be traced in the dance industry. We can excuse HIV/AID for whatever it has visited on humanity, but we cannot excuse war. Yes, we can excuse HIV/AIDS because it is a natural consequence. You cannot refuse wo/man from having sex. If you did, s/he would throw everything, including the kitchen utensils, at you. But war is borne out of wo/man’s madness. As Nelson Mandela noted, war is one of man-made problems. The demons of war have been making rounds in the great lakes region and squarely competing with HIV/AIDS in claiming millions of lives.

Because wars have caused forced migration, dances and music traditions have crossed tribal and geographic boarder as a result. For the case of Uganda, the northern insurgency and other armed conflicts in the entire great lakes region that have lasted for more than 20 years led to exodus of dance and music traditions to different parts of the country. Some dancers in  troupes migrated with their cultural music and dance, joined and performed with and for troupes to access education, accommodation and other forms of welfare.

Dancers performing Larakaraka courtship dance from Acholi people of Northern Uganda at Ndere center, Kampala. Courtesy photo.

This trend flouted the idea that traditional dances belonged to regional tribes and sub-tribes; cultures became open and got exposed to new artistic experiences. The advent of inter-tribal and inter-regional artistic and cultural dynamic, with orphanage-troupes as centers of this exchange, appeared on the horizon. There are people in central Uganda who had never seen dances from the greater north who started interacting with these new cultural experiences. Within dance troupes, performers from different tribes started learning different music and dance forms from one another.

Migration of music and dance traditions as a result of war spilled beyond national border. It is after the Rwandan genocide and Burundian war in 1990s that Uganda witnessed the influx of dancers and drummers from Rwanda and Burundi, respectively. Some of these immigrant performers have made a fortune in Uganda that they forgot all about home.

The traditional dance orphanage-troupe model owes some of its legs to HIV/AIDS and war. But this model has posed a challenge. A number of dance troupes are stuck with this standard and have failed move on. Over-reliance on funding and charity has thwarted possibilities of elevating these dance troupes into fully-fledged and self-sustaining economic ventures.

This does not take away the fact that HIV/AID and war have pushed the dance industry this far. We can say whatever we want about the HIV/AIDS and War, but when the sun goes to rest the dance practitioners will sit down and say that HIV/AIDS and war taught them how to turn on different lights. 

Alfdaniels Mabingo is a Fulbright Fellow at New York University